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in 1989 to nearly 24 percent between in 1992. In the same
period, public expenditures fell as a percent of GDP. Capital
spending and non-privatization receipts both declined slightly.
The fiscal surplus also was improved by the drop in dollar
interest rate, which cut accrued interest obligations by 1.3
percent of GDP. However, interest obligations still exceeded the
operational primary surplus slightly in 1992. Inflation
continues to decelerate. The annualized inflation rate in the
last quarter of 1992 was about 9 percent, compared to over 20
percent a year earlier. Nonetheless, inflation still exceeds
international rates, which is necessary to sustain the fixed
exchange rate regime . During 1992 capital inflows, jointly with
the economic expansion, contributed to an 84 percent increase in
imports; exports rose by 1 percent. As a result, the current
account deficit for 1992 reached 5.2 percent of GDP, up from 2
percent a year ago. Capital inflows of $12.0 billion, mostly
private, more than offset the current account deficit, allowing
a $3.4 billion accumulation of reserves. After signs of slowdown
in economic activity during January and February 1993,
industrial production recovered in March and April, with the
first quarter of 1993 marking the eleventh consecutive month of
economic expansion. Capital inflows recovered in the first
quarter of 1993, further strengthening the level of
international reserves. The monthly inflation rate between
January and March 1993 averaged 0.7 percent, about the same as
the last quarter of 1992.
Medium-Term Prospects
The government projects real growth averaging 6.5 percent over
1992-95. Over this period its fiscal program for aims at
generating a primary surplus sufficient to finance interest
obligations, thus eliminating the need for the inflation tax.
This involves efforts to raise the primary balance from about
$3.3 billion in 1991 to about $4. 1 billion in 1995. The success
of this program will largely depend on medium-term reforms to
improve the structural underpinnings of public finance, such as
social security legislation, labor reforms, and the evolution of
the fiscal relationships with the provinces, given the
increasing decentralization of power and responsibilities from
the center to provincial governments . This scenario is
attainable if the government continues to improve its fiscal
position, and if private markets generate a smooth transition to
a sustainable balance of payments and growth path. There are
significant risks to this program. The probability of adverse
events affecting the convertible peso declines, however, as the
government progresses on reforms that improve the fundamentals
of public finance. Past reforms in the public sector anchor
stabilization and are unlikely to be reversed during any
financial turbulence. Also, reserves are the highest in a decade
and cover the monetary base (although not the deposit base),
which would deter a speculative attack on the peso. Even if
problems give rise to pressure to alter the policy framework, in
all likelihood any emerging policy regime would of necessity
focus on maintaining fiscal balance and policies conducive to
private investment. Over the last few years Argentina has
enacted serious and difficult structural reforms with
considerable public support. The lack of alternatives to fiscal
discipline and price stability, and memories of the
hyperinflation of 1989/90, have made stability politically
popular. These facts are powerful ballast that is likely to keep
the ship of structural adjustment headed in the same direction,
even in a financial storm.
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